By Sarah G. Thomason
Proposing linguistic and ancient sketches of lesser-known touch languages, this paintings goals to give a contribution to a extra balanced view of the main dramatic result of language touch. The 12 case reviews provide testimony opposed to the view that each one touch languages are pidgins and creoles with maximally uncomplicated and basically exact grammars. They convey that a few touch languages are neither pidgins nor creoles, and they can show substantial structural variety and complexity; additionally they exhibit that two-language touch occasions can provide upward thrust to pidgins, particularly whilst entry to a aim language is withheld by way of its audio system. The chapters are prepared by way of language variety: 3 concentrate on pidgins (Hiri Motu, Pidgin Delaware and Ndyuka-Trio Pidgin); one on a suite of pidgins and creoles (Arabic-based touch languages); one at the query of early pidginization and/or creolization in Swahili; and 5 on bilingual combined languages (Michif, Media Lengua and Callahuaya, and Mednyj Aleut and Ma'a). The target of this quantity is to aid offset the conventional emphasis on pidgins and creoles that arose as an instantaneous result of touch with Europeans, beginning within the Age of Exploration.
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Extra resources for Contact Languages: A Wider Perspective (Creole Language Library)
There are two major sources for Pidgin Delaware. The most extensive is from the Swedish Lutheran minister Johannes (or Johan) Campanius (b. 1601, d. 1683), who compiled a vocabulary of words and phrases in Pidgin Dela ware during his service in New Sweden, 1642-1648, and translated into it an adapted version of Martin Luther's Little Catechism, which he completed in Sweden in 1656. A small book containing the Catechism and vocabulary was published in 1696 for a Swedish Lutheran mission sent out the following year to the former Swedish colony, where it is reported to have been of some use in preaching to local Indians (Campanius 1696; Collijn 1937; Campanius 1938).
Thus when news of the discovery of Port Moresby began to filter down through the Australian colonies and overseas, people of all sorts began making their way towards this new terra incognita as if drawn to it by some strange magnet. The first to do so were missionaries, who were soon followed by "scientists", entrepreneurs, explorers, adventurers, traders, and others, who in turn were followed by Government officials. Each of these groups had their effect on the use and transmission of different languages in the area, but it would appear to be the unofficial "visitors" who were the most important as far as the development of Police Motu was concerned.
Likewise the languages spoken by the Solomon Islander and Fijian policemen are not likely to have been sources as they are related to Motu and are similar to it in general structure. 2. Morphosyntax This is the area of principal difference between Simplified Motu, Hiri Motu, and Motu. Compared with Motu, Simplified Motu and Hiri Motu are gener ally much simpler in structure. They also include a number of features not found in Motu. 17 Comparing the Simplified Motu and Hiri Motu features, it is to be noted that, except for four features for which there is no evidence in Simplified Motu (viz.
Contact Languages: A Wider Perspective (Creole Language Library) by Sarah G. Thomason