Home Language Grammar • Read e-book online Case and agreement from fringe to core : a minimalist PDF

Read e-book online Case and agreement from fringe to core : a minimalist PDF

By Stefan Keine

ISBN-10: 3110234394

ISBN-13: 9783110234398

ISBN-10: 3110234408

ISBN-13: 9783110234404

This booklet develops a unified conception of non-canonical case and contract styles that experience remained elusive to this point. Drawing from quite a lot of typologically non-related languages, it units forth the declare that the phenomena less than dialogue contain summary deletion operations which have interaction with different grammatical operations in difficult yet hugely systematic methods. This interaction is proven to provide upward thrust to probably non-related floor phenomena, therefore integrating those phenomena inside of a extra normal framework of argument encoding

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Additional resources for Case and agreement from fringe to core : a minimalist approach

Example text

Consequently, the optimal output will maintain [+obj]. This competition is depicted in (31). (30) Tableau for (29a) Input: [obj,–hum,–spec][+obj] ✑ O: 1 [obj,–hum,–spec] O2 : [obj,–hum,–spec] [+obj] *o/+h/+s & max-c *o/+h/–s & max-c *o/–h/+s & max-c *[+obj] *o/–h/–s & max-c * *! must not participate in local conjunction with a constraint ranking. From the present perspective, there thus exists an asymmetry between faithfulness and markedness constraints with respect to the possibility of local conjunction.

Again, I hasten to emphasize that all the analyses also work well with rule-based impoverishment. 14 A reformulation of the impoverishment rule as a constraint ranking will be provided in the footnotes. 4 The Operation Agree The present study is couched within the general framework of the Minimalist Program (Chomsky 1995, 2000, 2001, 2004, 2007, 2008). Following much recent work I will assume that a hierarchical syntactic representation is built up by the iterated application of merge and agree.

Some verbs always take zero-marked objects, regardless of their properties. 2 for some remarks. 21 b. ’ (Butt and King 2004: 161) The object bacce-ko ‘child-acc’ in (17a) is non-specific but human and hence bears -ko. By contrast, haar ‘necklace’ in (17b) is both non-human and non-specific. Hence, it bears no overt case marker. The effect of specificity is illustrated in (18): (18a) contains a non-human, non-specific object. Consequently, it is zero marked. The specific object in (18b), on the other hand, has -ko attached to it.

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Case and agreement from fringe to core : a minimalist approach by Stefan Keine

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